Economics, Law, Philosophy, Politics, Religion, Science

Max Weber and Political Ethics

I hadn’t read anything by Max Weber until very recently, but finally made my way through “Politics as a Vocation,” his late lecture delivered shortly after the end of the First World War and the start of the German Revolution.

Weber seems to be primarily known today for several largely logically independent ideas scattered across the social sciences and humanities — especially: the idea that a Protestant work ethic played a role in the rise of capitalism, the importance of charisma to politics, the centrality of bureaucracy in the modern state, and the definition of the state as “a human community that (successfully) claims the monopoly of the legitimate use of physical force within a given territory” (where “legitimate” only means “accepted as legitimate,” to the apparent consternation of many normative political theorists).

I had heard that “Politics as a Vocation,” where this definition of the state appears, was one of the places where Weber approached political theorizing, and I was predisposed to sympathize with the lecture by some positive remarks that the legal scholar Duncan Kennedy had made about Weber and the “ethic of responsibility.” I’ve also always believed that political theorists tend to pay too little attention to empirical knowledge from history and political science, so I was hopeful that a broadly historically and empirically informed social scientist like Weber might offer a valuable perspective.

To my surprise, however, the lecture as a whole turns out to be remarkably parochial, and in parts, dangerously misguided.

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Balkin on the Current State of the American Political System

Jack Balkin, a professor at Yale Law School, recently posted a new article that dovetails with some of this blog’s recent posts on the current state of the American political system. The abstract:

Today, America’s political system seems remarkably dysfunctional. Many people believe that our 225-year-old Constitution is the problem. But what looks like constitutional dysfunction is actually constitutional transition, a slow and often frustrating movement from an older constitutional regime to a new one.

Americans last experienced this sense of dysfunction during the late 1970s and early 1980s – the “last days of disco.” The New Deal/Civil Rights regime had gradually fallen apart and was replaced by a new constitutional order – the conservative regime in which we have been living for the past three decades. By 1984, few people argued that the country was ungovernable, even if they didn’t like President Reagan’s policies.

In the same way, our current dysfunction marks the end of the existing constitutional regime and the beginning of a new one. This new regime may be dominated by the ascendant Democratic coalition of young people, minorities, women, city dwellers and professionals that elected Barack Obama in 2008 and 2012. Or insurgent populists associated with the Tea Party may revive the decaying Republican coalition and give it a second wind. As of yet, neither side has been able to achieve a successful transition, leading to the current sense of frustration.

There’s an interesting asymmetry between the two possible political futures that Balkin highlights. One is defined by demographics (Obama’s coalition), the other by ideology (Tea Party-style populism). This fits with my sense, articulated in previous posts, that Obama has failed to articulate an ideology that could displace the “small government” vision of the Reagan era. Obama is not a transformative president in that sense. He has a newly coalescing electoral coalition, but no vision of government to coalesce around—other than opposition to the Reagan era vision. And nothing new has come from the right to displace the Reagan era vision either: the Tea Party continues to rally around the idea of small government as the source of freedom.

All of this is why I would like to see the American left move beyond the Reagan era and come up with a new vision of government backed by concrete projects—whether like this one, and backed by projects like this, or based on some other set of guiding principles. The demographic soil for a new era in American politics has been tilled, but no one seems to have ideological seeds on hand.

The rest of Balkin’s abstract after the jump…

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